Manuel Muñiz, new Dean of IE School of International Relations

Written on February 20, 2017 by Administrador de IE Blogs in IE University, International Relations

Manuel Muñiz, a renowned expert in innovation, geopolitics and regional and global governance, has been appointed Dean of IE School of International Relations. In this new phase, Muñiz will focus on developing initiatives aimed at consolidating IE School of International Relations as a benchmark in the field of education programs for global leadership. Muñiz will also create the IE Center for Change Governance, dedicated to the study of challenges resulting from the acceleration of technological and social change in public and private sectors, and to the development of solutions and tools required to provide optimum governance.

Muñiz is currently Director of the Harvard University’s Program on Transatlantic Relations. He will take over from Arantza de Areilza, who has served as Dean of IE School of International Relations since its foundation in 2008. “Manuel Muñiz is a model academic entrepreneur with a brilliant international trajectory,” says Santiago Íñiguez de Onzoño, President of IE University. “His strategic plan will transform IE School of International Relations into a source of future architects of the global society.”

Manuel Muñiz has undertaken research on cooperation and integration in Europe and the North Atlantic aimed at gaining an understanding of how states tackle interdependence and complexity.

Muñiz is a Professor of global Transformation and Director of the Program on Global Leadership at the Rafael del Pino Foundation. He is also a local affiliate of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies at Harvard University, and a member of the Alumni Board of Directors of Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government.

Dr. Muniz holds a JD (Law) from the Complutense University in Madrid, an MSc in Finance from the IEB, a Master in Public Administration from the Kennedy School of Government, and a DPhil (PhD) in International Relations from the University of Oxford. He is also a David Rockefeller Fellow of the Trilateral Commission and a holder of the Atlantic Council’s Millennium Fellowship. In 2016 Esglobal included him among the top 25 intellectuals who are redefining Ibero-American thought.


The Lost Train

Written on February 17, 2017 by Susana Torres Prieto in History

In the next few days, it will be the hundredth anniversary of the abdication Nicholas II as the last Tsar of Russia, after almost 300 years of the Romanov dynasty in the Russian throne. It was done in a haste in a train that should have taken the Tsar back to Petrograd, but was diverted to Pskov. This abdication and the creation of a provisional government that could put an end to the massive strikes and protests in Petrograd would have created, so it was hoped, a more modern Russian Republic that would have joined the path of other former European empires in their progressive social and economical updating. It probably would have happened if Lenin, who certainly invented the rhetoric of “no means no”, had not been so stubborn, or so interested in his own party. Unfortunately, Nicholas had also lost the favour of his people when, 12 years before, in 1905, a peaceful demonstration led by the Orthodox Pope Gapon, had ended in a blood bath in front of the Winter Palace, the Russian Bloody Sunday.

The February Revolution of 1917 (in our calendar, the March Revolution, really) should have sufficed to change not only the government, but also the state, and would have spared the life of millions of Russians who fell victims to the subsequent October Revolution, the Civil War, and all the purges, first by Lenin, then by Stalin.

Almost seventy years later, in 1983, President Boris Yeltsin also had the possibility in his hands of granting Russia a proper constitution and a solvent parliamentary system in order to create, again, a new Russia, one that could leave definitely behind decades of terror and misgovernment. He chose to use the Army’s tanks to bombard the Duma, instead, and to create one of the most powerful presidential systems in the planet, where the president has almost unlimited power in all spheres of government. For the third time in the same century, Russia’s leaders lacked the sense of state and future vision to make out of their country a better place. None of them, nor the Tsar, nor Lenin, nor Yeltsin took the opportunity that History put in front of them for doing the right thing. Between themselves and their people, they chose themselves; between autocracy and Russia, they chose autocracy.

People often ask nowadays how is it possible that people in Russia like President Putin. The answer is quite simple, really: they have been brutally educated for it for more than a century, and, as the saying goes “spare the rod and spoil the child”.


Las dos sedes acogerán del 14 al 22 de julio el XXXV Congreso del ITI-Unesco, el quinto Simposio Internacional de la Danza y el primer Festival Internacional de Teatro Universitario.

Hasta el último momento, Segovia y el Real Sitio de San Ildefonso compitieron con la ciudad de Hamburgo para acoger el XXXV Congreso Mundial del Instituto Internacional de Teatro-Unesco (ITI por sus siglas en inglés) de la Organización Mundial de las Artes Escénicas. En la votación los dos municipios segovianos se impusieron de forma casi unánime a la ciudad alemana, pues la candidatura solo tuvo en contra el voto alemán, según relató este jueves el director del centro español del ITI, Alberto García Castaño. Y no fue fácil obtener la sede del congreso, añadió, porque solo hace dos años que España regresó a la organización del ITI; fue determinante la visita que realizó a Segovia el pasado verano el presidente del instituto de la Unesco, Tobías Biancone, para asistir a la clausura del festival Segovia en Danza, y la posterior en diciembre (durante el puente de la Constitución y la Inmaculada) de una veintena de miembros de la ejecutiva del ITI.

La decisión la tomó el ITI-Unesco hace cuatro meses en Eslovenia, en la asamblea a la que asistieron los 91 países que lo forman. Segovia y el Real Sitio presentaron su candidatura a través de la Delegación española del ITI, que acoge a su vez el Instituto Universitario de Danza Alicia Alonso de la Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, que preside Alberto García Castaño. Y en la votación final el proyecto segoviano superó a los de Hamburgo, Estambul, El Cairo o La Habana.

La satisfacción y el orgullo de entonces de García Castaño es ahora compartida por la alcaldesa de Segovia, Clara Luquero, y el alcalde del Real Sitio, José Luis Vázquez, que han presentado este jueves el «acontecimiento» que se desarrollará en julio en el antiguo Salón de Plenos del Ayuntamiento de Segovia. En realidad serán tres eventos y muchas actividades las que acogerán la ciudad y el Real Sitio, que se transformarán entre el 14 y el 22 de julio en «capitales mundiales de las artes escénicas», declaró Luquero. Read more…


What sort of education secretary will Betsy DeVos make?

Written on February 13, 2017 by Santiago Iñiguez in Education

By Santiago Iñiguez de Onzoño, President of IE University.

This past week the US Senate ratified the nomination of Betsy DeVos as secretary of education. I am not going to join in the already extensive comment on her capacity for the job, and even if I may not share some of her views, particularly on public morality, I believe that her critics are wrong in focusing more on her person than her ideas. Like it or not, she is probably the member of the president’s cabinet with the strongest sense of mission, consistent values and acquaintance with her province.

Over her career, DeVos has been involved in a number of educational causes, notably advocating for school choice and school vouchers. For the uninitiated, supporters of this cause defend the right of parents to choose their children’s school regardless of its location and to receive government financial aid to do so. This policy has favored the growth of private schools, which are financially supported by the state at the expense of traditional public schools, say critics. Experience shows that when there is a subsidized choice, the majority of parents pick private schools.

DeVos and her husband have also put their money where their ideas lie: Forbes ranks them among the 25 top families that have contributed the largest donations to healthcare, social initiatives and education in the United States, to the tune of $1.3 billion dollars.

Given DeVos’ libertarian ideology, what might we expect to see in higher education over the coming years? Read more…


Marruecos vuelve a la Unión Africana entre interrogantes

Written on February 8, 2017 by Administrador de IE Blogs in International Relations

Por Haizam Amirah Fernández,  Profesor Asociado de Humanidades en IE Business School.

El 30 de enero de 2017, la Unión Africana (UA) pasó de tener 54 estados miembros a tener 55. Ese día, cerca de 40 de sus integrantes apoyaron la solicitud de readmisión de Marruecos en la organización panafricana. Era el único estado del continente africano que permanecía al margen.

Marruecos fue miembro fundador en 1963 de la Organización para la Unidad Africana (OUA), predecesora de la UA, pero decidió abandonarla en 1984 por la admisión de la República Árabe Saharaui Democrática (RASD) en su seno. Por su parte, la RASD figura como miembro fundador de la UA en su Acta Constitutiva que entró en vigor en mayo de 2001.

Tras más de tres décadas de ausencia, Marruecos ha vuelto a la organización panafricana a pesar de que la RASD sigue siendo miembro de pleno derecho. La decisión marroquí habría parecido inimaginable hasta hace menos de un año. Sin embargo, en julio de 2016 el rey Mohamed VI reconoció que el autoexilio de su país de la UA tenía que ser corregido, en lo que suponía un reconocimiento de la inutilidad de la política de “silla vacía”.

La decisión de solicitar la readmisión en la organización continental ha sido un empeño personal del monarca alauí. Esa decisión fue precedida por una intensa campaña diplomática que incluyó numerosas visitas del rey de Marruecos a países del África subsahariana. Asimismo, Marruecos ha desarrollado un plan de expansión de sus actividades económicas y comerciales en el resto del continente, sobre todo en los países de África occidental y en los francófonos. En la actualidad es el segundo inversor africano en el continente, por detrás de Sudáfrica. La presencia de sus bancos, empresas de telecomunicaciones, aseguradoras y líneas aéreas no deja de crecer en distintos países africanos. También busca una mayor influencia religiosa mediante la formación de imames y ulemas subsaharianos en instituciones islámicas marroquíes. Read more…

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